Researchers have attempted to account for the durational variability of a segment in terms of languages’ different rhythms such as “stress” or “syllable”. For instance, Lisker (1957) showed that in English, a relatively long vowel occurs before a short voiced consonant while a relatively short vowel occurs before a relatively long voiceless consonant. In addition, in some languages a phonetically long consonant may also influence the duration of the nearby segments. However, the exact target unit may differ depending on languages. These two different results show that the length of consonants may influence the length of the nearby vowels possibly to control the length of the target unit. In contrast, Japanese shows the direct relationship between the length of consonant and the length of the preceding vowel: The vowel is phonetically longer before a geminate than before a singleton ( Han, 1992 Ham, 2001 Idemaru & Guion, 2008, among others). For instance, in languages like Kannada, short vowels occur before long consonants (i.e., geminates) while long vowels occur before short consonants. Maddieson (1985) observes that some languages with a contrast between single and geminate consonants exhibit an inverse relationship between the length of consonant and the length of the preceding vowel. Two rather different relationships are observed. Thus, in order to keep a lax and a tense stop apart in the intervocalic position, it is important for each stop to maintain its contrastive length of closure duration.Ī phonologically long consonant is often observed to influence the duration of nearby segments, particularly the preceding vowel. Han (1996) and many others have shown that a tense and a lax stop in the intervocalic position can be confused for each other if the closure duration varies. Many perceptual studies have shown the importance of closure duration in distinguishing the intervocalic tense stop from the lax stop. A tense stop shows the longest closure duration, the closure duration of which is more than twice longer than that of a lax stop (cf. Instead, some other acoustic cue like closure duration of the stops plays an important role, especially in differentiating between a tense stop and a lax stop. In the AP-medial position, these acoustic cues are also active but not as effective as they are in the word-initial position (cf. In the AP-initial position, they are distinguished by voice-onset time and the pitch of the following vowel ( Jun, 1993 Kim, 2000, etc.). Korean has three types of stops: a lax, a tense, and an aspirated stop. One is the duration of contrastive consonant intervals between vowels, and the other is the duration from the onset of a vowel to the onset of the following vowel. Conclusively, we suggest that Korean speech be planned and controlled with two specific intervals. Experiment 3 suggests that it be interpreted as temporal adjustment to make the interval from the onset of a vowel to the onset of the following vowel of near-equal length. Second, this study examines the vowel shortening, known as Closed-Syllable Vowel Shortening, before a long tense stop or before the consonant sequence. We suggest that such lengthening phenomena occur in Korean to robustly preserve the contrastive length difference between C and CC. Experiment 2 shows that the short lax stop C1 cancels the contrast between the lax and tense obstruent at C2, making them appear as long tense obstruents (Post-Stop Tensing Rule). Experiment 1 shows that the sonorant C1 is significantly longer before a short lax stop C2 than before a long tense stop. It first examines the lengthening of consonants at the function of the short lax stop. The flap effect suggests that closure duration can sometimes be a decisive cue to place of articulation capable of overriding even naturally produced spectral information.This study examines the duration of Korean lax and tense stops in the prosodic word-medial position, their interactions with nearby segments, and the phonological implications of these interactions. These results, interpreted in terms of constraints on speech production, were taken to imply that closure duration as a voicing cue must be defined relative to speaking tempo. The locus of the perceptual boundary between /b/ and flap at about 30 ms was not significantly influenced by the tempo of the carrier, while the locus of the /b/–/p/ boundary at 75 ms moved nearly 10 ms toward shorter values in the fast carrier sentence. Embedded after fast and slow carrier sentences, the variants were identified as ratted, rabid, or rapid. In this experiment the closure duration of the medial stop in rabid was varied over a range of 10 to 120 ms with no glottal pulsing during the closure. The closure interval of post-stress medial stops varies in duration due to phonological voicing and place of articulation, as well as speaking tempo.
0 kommentar(er)
